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[av_heading heading='Editorial by Jørgen Johansen' tag='h3' style='blockquote classic-quote' size='' av_uid='av-4f7f0v'] [/av_heading] [av_hr class='short' height='50' shadow='no-shadow' position='center' custom_border='av-border-thin' custom_width='50px' custom_border_color='' custom_margin_top='30px' custom_margin_bottom='30px' icon_select='yes' custom_icon_color='' icon='ue808' font='entypo-fontello' av_uid='av-8ej7j']

[av_heading heading='Article by Sophie Del Fa, Geneviève Boivin, Ann-Sophie Boily, Ève Leclair' tag='h3' style='blockquote classic-quote' size='' ] [/av_heading] [av_hr class='short' height='50' shadow='no-shadow' position='center' custom_border='av-border-thin' custom_width='50px' custom_border_color='' custom_margin_top='30px' custom_margin_bottom='30px' icon_select='yes' custom_icon_color='' icon='ue808' font='entypo-fontello'] By reviewing the literature on practices of resistances in social sciences, organization studies, and communication, this essay aims to show how a communicative relationality perspective anchored in the constitutive communication approach (CCO) is relevant to exploring the large phenomenon of resistances. We define resistances as a set of relational and communicative practices that seek individual and/or collective liberation against/through/within diverse hegemonic powers perceived as constraining by one or several individuals. This set of relational practices enacts (and are enacted by) various degrees of organizationality that a communicative approach helps highlight. Our conceptualization of practices of resistances inspired by emergent definitions of both communication and organizations opens avenues to create original and engaged empirical studies.

[av_heading heading='Article by Mona Lilja, Stellan Vinthagen, and Kristin Wiksell' tag='h3' style='blockquote classic-quote' size='' ] [/av_heading] [av_hr class='short' height='50' shadow='no-shadow' position='center' custom_border='av-border-thin' custom_width='50px' custom_border_color='' custom_margin_top='30px' custom_margin_bottom='30px' icon_select='yes' custom_icon_color='' icon='ue808' font='entypo-fontello'] We argue that studies of resistance have suffered from a bifurcation of fields, whereby some focus on organized forms (social movements, civil society or revolutions), while others are concerned with individual types (everyday, local and dispersed) of resistance. This de facto academic division has unwittingly obscured the links, dynamics, hybridity and entanglements between different forms of resistance. In order to stimulate a more complex and nuanced understanding of resistance, we propose a new research agenda for transdisciplinary studies of resistance and present some connections between individual and more collective/organized forms of resistance that need to be systematically explored in future research. Overall, this article argues for the need to recognize both the variation in forms of resistance, and the (often hybrid) linkages between them. The recognition that individual acts of resistance are fundamentally entangled with collective or organized dissent is necessary for shifting our understanding of resistance.

[av_heading heading='Article by Oliver P. Richmond' tag='h3' style='blockquote classic-quote' size='' ] [/av_heading] [av_hr class='short' height='50' shadow='no-shadow' position='center' custom_border='av-border-thin' custom_width='50px' custom_border_color='' custom_margin_top='30px' custom_margin_bottom='30px' icon_select='yes' custom_icon_color='' icon='ue808' font='entypo-fontello'] Art has apparently followed political power for much of history, while avoiding representations of social, subaltern, and political resistance, or experimentation with new approaches to emancipation. Less obviously, however, this article outlines how a creative synthesis of critique, politics, and representation has led to an evolving form of ‘artpeace’. This concept appears to have been related to power and was thus limited and Eurocentric in the past, but more importantly it has also provided a platform for critical agency, resistance, and experimentation, with implications for the politics of peacemaking. This article outlines what this means for various strands of artpeace and their possible conceptual implications. ‘Pax optima rerum’ (Peace is the greatest good) ‘Pax optima rerum quas homini nouisse datum est, pax una triumphis innumeris potior…’ (peace is the best of things which it is given to man to know, a single peace is more powerful than countless triumphs). Silius Italicus, Punica, (25-101 AD)

[av_heading heading='Essay by Stefan Kalmring and Silke Veth' tag='h3' style='blockquote classic-quote' size='' ] [/av_heading] [av_hr class='short' height='50' shadow='no-shadow' position='center' custom_border='av-border-thin' custom_width='50px' custom_border_color='' custom_margin_top='30px' custom_margin_bottom='30px' icon_select='yes' custom_icon_color='' icon='ue808' font='entypo-fontello']

[av_heading heading='Obituary by Andrew Rigby and Paul Rogers' tag='h3' style='blockquote classic-quote' size='' ] [/av_heading] [av_hr class='short' height='50' shadow='no-shadow' position='center' custom_border='av-border-thin' custom_width='50px' custom_border_color='' custom_margin_top='30px' custom_margin_bottom='30px' icon_select='yes' custom_icon_color='' icon='ue808' font='entypo-fontello']

[av_heading heading='Reviews by Julian Reid, G. Brandon Swann, and Craig Brown' tag='h3' style='blockquote classic-quote' size='' ] [/av_heading] [av_hr class='short' height='50' shadow='no-shadow' position='center' custom_border='av-border-thin' custom_width='50px' custom_border_color='' custom_margin_top='30px' custom_margin_bottom='30px' icon_select='yes' custom_icon_color='' icon='ue808' font='entypo-fontello']

[av_heading heading='Editorial by Craig S. Brown' tag='h3' style='blockquote classic-quote' size='' av_uid='av-4f7f0v'] [/av_heading] [av_hr class='short' height='50' shadow='no-shadow' position='center' custom_border='av-border-thin' custom_width='50px' custom_border_color='' custom_margin_top='30px' custom_margin_bottom='30px' icon_select='yes' custom_icon_color='' icon='ue808' font='entypo-fontello' av_uid='av-8ej7j']

[av_heading heading='Article by Craig S. Brown' tag='h3' style='blockquote classic-quote' size='' ] [/av_heading] [av_hr class='short' height='50' shadow='no-shadow' position='center' custom_border='av-border-thin' custom_width='50px' custom_border_color='' custom_margin_top='30px' custom_margin_bottom='30px' icon_select='yes' custom_icon_color='' icon='ue808' font='entypo-fontello'] In August 2020, widespread open resistance emerged against Lukashenko’s regime in Belarus, in the wake of the presidential elections. Through a media content analysis, this paper assesses how the emotion of fear was presented by English language European and North American print and online media, with the departure point being the perceived loss of fear among Belarusians. It seeks to understand: how was fear discussed in relation to resistance in Belarus in the mainstream media accounts? How did fear manifest among Belarusians and what were its effects? For resistance movements, what are the practical implications of understanding how fear manifests and affects actors? Although several headlines in the key period of mid-August 2020 reflect the phenomenon of a ‘barrier of fear’ being broken, Belarusian resisters’ perspectives present in some of the articles show how feelings of fear are far more complex. The themes are as follows: ‘fear remains’; the ‘loss of fear’ among opponents of Lukashenko; ‘pre-election loss of fear’; ‘fear among the regime and security force elements’; ‘taking action as imperative—regardless of fear’, as well as a ‘point of no return’ being reached. It is clear that it is more accurate to talk about people making a decision to resist despite their fear. Moreover, there seems to be a crucial relationship between feelings of anger about regime brutality and the willingness to act regardless of fear about the implications.

[av_heading heading='Article by Stellan Vinthagen' tag='h3' style='blockquote classic-quote' size='' ] [/av_heading] [av_hr class='short' height='50' shadow='no-shadow' position='center' custom_border='av-border-thin' custom_width='50px' custom_border_color='' custom_margin_top='30px' custom_margin_bottom='30px' icon_select='yes' custom_icon_color='' icon='ue808' font='entypo-fontello'] This article takes a historical view on the Indian civil society; its actors, strategies and issues, and evaluates its democracy-promoting resistance, and the impact from globalization. After a brief overview of the pre-independence context, and the early post-independence developments, the period of advanced globalization from the 1990s is focused. India is a country with a strong social movement culture, formed through its history of anticolonial struggle. The civil society is vibrant, diverse and conflictual, with a multitude of groups. Key examples are the anti-colonial movement, the land reform movement, the mobilization for “Total Revolution”, as well as alliances of movements and recurrent mobilizations by peasants, women, Adivasi (Indigenous), Dalits (“untouchables”). The analysis outlines four historical periods with very different conditions for democracy-promoting resistance. The conclusion is that resistance has been very successful, especially initially. However, the analysis also shows how the counter-mobilization by Hindu nationalists grew strong and more impactful during advanced globalization. The result is that Indian democracy has been undermined. Thus, despite initial and fundamental impact, it is the Hindu nationalist counter-resistance to the resistance of pro-democracy civil society groups, that is impacting contemporary democracy.

[av_heading heading='Article by Barbara Franz' tag='h3' style='blockquote classic-quote' size='' ] [/av_heading] [av_hr class='short' height='50' shadow='no-shadow' position='center' custom_border='av-border-thin' custom_width='50px' custom_border_color='' custom_margin_top='30px' custom_margin_bottom='30px' icon_select='yes' custom_icon_color='' icon='ue808' font='entypo-fontello'] The COVID-19 pandemic, in combination with the Trump administration’s anti-immigration policies, has led to policy shifts and temporary bans that essentially ended asylum and refugee resettlement in the United States for the period from 2019 to 2021. Regional organizations, however, have continued to sponsor refugees and provide community-based educational, employment, and material support work. In the Tri-State area of New Jersey, New York and Connecticut, local pockets of resistance initiated grass-roots programs such as COVID-19 Relief Funds, the Mask Making Initiative, the Lighthouse, and the Fun Club. The text investigates these programs and the four humanitarian NGOs in which they are housed, through the lens of ‘constructive resistance’, especially the works of Mona Lilja, Majken Jul Sørensen, and Minoo Koefoed. Situated between the politics of governance (Maiguashca 2003) and individual and grass-roots forms of resistance, this paper looks at local reactions that led to projects aiming at actively remaking community. The four projects exemplify the communities’ efforts to create humanitarian and localized structures of compassion, by developing programs that assist and help those individuals who were exposed to the most aggressively exclusivist policies of the Trump administration.

[av_heading heading='Reviews by Crisol González García, Brian Martin, Bob Overy, Matthew Hewett, and Dalilah Shemia-Goeke' tag='h3' style='blockquote classic-quote' size='' ] [/av_heading] [av_hr class='short' height='50' shadow='no-shadow' position='center' custom_border='av-border-thin' custom_width='50px' custom_border_color='' custom_margin_top='30px' custom_margin_bottom='30px' icon_select='yes' custom_icon_color='' icon='ue808' font='entypo-fontello']

[av_heading heading='Editorial by Matt Meyer' tag='h3' style='blockquote classic-quote' size='' av_uid='av-4f7f0v'] [/av_heading] [av_hr class='short' height='50' shadow='no-shadow' position='center' custom_border='av-border-thin' custom_width='50px' custom_border_color='' custom_margin_top='30px' custom_margin_bottom='30px' icon_select='yes' custom_icon_color='' icon='ue808' font='entypo-fontello' av_uid='av-8ej7j']

[av_heading heading='Article by Elizabeth Schmidt' tag='h3' style='blockquote classic-quote' size='' ] [/av_heading] [av_hr class='short' height='50' shadow='no-shadow' position='center' custom_border='av-border-thin' custom_width='50px' custom_border_color='' custom_margin_top='30px' custom_margin_bottom='30px' icon_select='yes' custom_icon_color='' icon='ue808' font='entypo-fontello'] This paper analyzes strategic choices by the 2006-2014 Indigenous Peoples’ resistance movement opposing construction of a coal mine in Phulbari, Bangladesh. The campaign successfully prevented the mine’s construction. However, conflicts over land use in Bangladesh persist. This case study examines how closely the strategic choices of the campaign adhered to Ackerman and Kruegler’s Principles of Strategic Nonviolent Conflict, and how those choices furthered or impaired the campaign. Fostering collective identities to mobilize supporters and resources was integral to the campaign’s strategy, as was integration of diverse voices. Promoting powerful female voices furthered the campaign’s goals and contributed to advancing women’s status. Combining extra-institutional methods with traditional politics also enhanced the movement’s strategic potential. Managing perceptions and demonstrating autonomy allowed resistors to maintain collective power, despite holding less traditional sources of power. The campaign also found success in using external supporters to weaken their oppressors, while organizers inside the country set the vision of the movement. The campaign provides an example of how the Principles may be applied in contemporary campaigns against corporations across cultural contexts. The outcomes suggest that the Principles are still a relevant framework for nonviolent resistance. However, more research is needed to determine the conditions under which some principles apply

[av_heading heading='Article by Johan-Eerik Kukko' tag='h3' style='blockquote classic-quote' size='' ] [/av_heading] [av_hr class='short' height='50' shadow='no-shadow' position='center' custom_border='av-border-thin' custom_width='50px' custom_border_color='' custom_margin_top='30px' custom_margin_bottom='30px' icon_select='yes' custom_icon_color='' icon='ue808' font='entypo-fontello'] In this article, I examine the messages that are connected to masks and other symbols in the short history of the Soldiers of Odin (SOO). Moreover, I compare the use of masks to the way that another Finnish activist group, Loldiers of Odin, used masks and symbols. SOO started street patrol activity in 2015 to ‘safeguard’ Finnish cities from the alleged threat of asylum seekers. In 2016, the Loldiers of Odin were founded to oppose SOO’s vigilante activity. They carnivalized the anti-immigrant group by appearing at their demonstrations and harassed their street patrols dressed as clowns. I discuss the dynamics of the two groups and analyze how they used masks and symbols in their activities. Especially in the case of SOO, I will focus on situations where the group uses Guy Fawkes masks, and in the case of Loldiers of Odin using clown costumes and make up. Additionally, I ask if their vigilante actions with masks can be understood as ‘uncivil disobedience’, a term that has been discussed for example by Jennet Kirkpatrick and Candice Delmas. In the end I will also show that both of these groups have two kinds of masks; one to wear and one to hide their real purposes

[av_heading heading='Article by Dennis Stromback' tag='h3' style='blockquote classic-quote' size='' ] [/av_heading] [av_hr class='short' height='50' shadow='no-shadow' position='center' custom_border='av-border-thin' custom_width='50px' custom_border_color='' custom_margin_top='30px' custom_margin_bottom='30px' icon_select='yes' custom_icon_color='' icon='ue808' font='entypo-fontello'] It is rather common to couple Japanese Marxist Tosaka Jun (1900-1945) with critical theorists like Walter Benjamin or Theodor Adorno in the comparative philosophy literature, but little, if anything at all, has been said about the shared discursive strategies of political resistance theorized by Tosaka Jun and Latin American philosopher Enrique Dussel (1934- ). Despite being continents and generations apart, Tosaka and Dussel nonetheless offer similar critiques of empire building within a system of capitalism as well as methods of resistance to disrupt to its ideological justification. Linked by the lineage of Marxism and their suspicion of the deterministic aspects of modernist thought, both Tosaka and Dussel present accounts of political power bound to the ‘people’ themselves, packaged as hegemonic strategies (à la Gramsci) that privilege those on the periphery, that which refuse to be subsumed into the capitalist system generating colonial expansion. Where they diverge, however, is in their view of the ‘people’ for constructing, positioning, and localizing collective struggles and democratic movements, with each account being stronger in an area where the other is more limited, thus pointing towards a space of synthesis. This article therefore argues for a teaming up of what Dussel calls ‘el pueblo’—which is a theoretical category referring to the political power articulated by localized communities—with Tosaka’s critical method of journalistic and philosophical reflection, with the aim of empowering the people, because it will provide us with a stronger view of political resistance at the periphery that will act as a force for democratic possibilities.

[av_heading heading='Classical Book Review by Majken Jul Sørensen: Resistance and Milgram’s obedience studies in light of new research' tag='h3' style='blockquote classic-quote' size='' ] [/av_heading] [av_hr class='short' height='50' shadow='no-shadow' position='center' custom_border='av-border-thin' custom_width='50px' custom_border_color='' custom_margin_top='30px' custom_margin_bottom='30px' icon_select='yes' custom_icon_color='' icon='ue808' font='entypo-fontello']

[av_heading heading='Reviews by Brian Martin, Craig Brown, and Andrew Rigby' tag='h3' style='blockquote classic-quote' size='' ] [/av_heading] [av_hr class='short' height='50' shadow='no-shadow' position='center' custom_border='av-border-thin' custom_width='50px' custom_border_color='' custom_margin_top='30px' custom_margin_bottom='30px' icon_select='yes' custom_icon_color='' icon='ue808' font='entypo-fontello']

[av_heading heading='Editorial by Stellan Vinthagen' tag='h3' style='blockquote classic-quote' size='' av_uid='av-4f7f0v'] [/av_heading] [av_hr class='short' height='50' shadow='no-shadow' position='center' custom_border='av-border-thin' custom_width='50px' custom_border_color='' custom_margin_top='30px' custom_margin_bottom='30px' icon_select='yes' custom_icon_color='' icon='ue808' font='entypo-fontello' av_uid='av-8ej7j']

[av_heading heading='Article by Sarah Louise Edgcumbe' tag='h3' style='blockquote classic-quote' size='' ] [/av_heading] [av_hr class='short' height='50' shadow='no-shadow' position='center' custom_border='av-border-thin' custom_width='50px' custom_border_color='' custom_margin_top='30px' custom_margin_bottom='30px' icon_select='yes' custom_icon_color='' icon='ue808' font='entypo-fontello'] This article will examine how rural Afghan women employ practices of everyday resistance as a means of challenging extremely patriarchal power structures and male domination in Afghanistan. The research presented illustrates how rural women simultaneously support and reproduce patriarchal societal structures and values through quiet encroachment of public spaces and the labour market as well as conscious adherence to certain patriarchal norms. Through a qualitative research method consisting of eleven focus groups with 130 rural women from four districts, across two provinces in Afghanistan, a structurationist approach is employed in order to fully account for the interaction and interrelationship between dominant, male-privileging structures of power and rural women’s agency. Significantly, these women, through the intentions behind their practices of everyday resistance and encroachment upon public spaces, demonstrate that they do not wish to eradicate patriarchy, but rather to transform it into a more benign structure of power which conforms to the women’s interpretation of Islam. This is a construction of Islam which accommodates women as individuals with agency and ability, enabling them to take advantage of independent mobility, provide for their families, and send their children (sons and daughters) to school. Thus, these women deliberately engage in everyday resistance to extreme manifestations of patriarchy, but simultaneously consciously adhere to, and subtly advocate for, more benevolent patriarchal social norms.

[av_heading heading='Article by Wan-Juo Cheng' tag='h3' style='blockquote classic-quote' size='' ] [/av_heading] [av_hr class='short' height='50' shadow='no-shadow' position='center' custom_border='av-border-thin' custom_width='50px' custom_border_color='' custom_margin_top='30px' custom_margin_bottom='30px' icon_select='yes' custom_icon_color='' icon='ue808' font='entypo-fontello'] Supervisee resistance is often construed as an execution of their power to diminish the effects of the supervisors’ power in the field of counseling psychology. Such a limited view of resistance may ignore its sociocultural context and further support the social structure of domination that necessitates resistance in the first place. Given that resistance and power are connected yet distinct concepts, understanding resistance is necessary to better understand power relations. The discipline of psychology largely recognizes the ability of organized, collective resistance to make social changes, although not that of everyday forms of resistance that intend to survive and simultaneously sabotage domination. To expand the understanding of everyday resistance by recognizing agency that is culturally situated in social relations, this qualitative study used semi-structured interviews with seven supervisee participants to investigate their everyday resistance in clinical supervision, particularly focusing on the tactics they employed in interactions with their supervisors and what was achieved through those tactics, and the agency and subjectivity interwoven with the resistant acts upheld by cultural or professional discourses. The results indicate that the tactics employed (for example, selective presentation of cases or self, note-taking, acting positive, and pretended speculation) are not only aimed at protecting their professional integrity and therapist subjectivity, but also at maintaining harmonious supervisory relationships that may generate valuable social networks (guanxi) for future career development. Under the circumstances in which supervisees are unable to abide by both the professional ideology and cultural ethics of honoring instructors, they adopt the identity of a ‘good student’ to maneuver through difficult situations in the interest of guanxi. Through these tactics, supervisees demonstrated their agency despite being in vulnerable positions.

[av_heading heading='Article by Ashjan Ajour' tag='h3' style='blockquote classic-quote' size='' ] [/av_heading] [av_hr class='short' height='50' shadow='no-shadow' position='center' custom_border='av-border-thin' custom_width='50px' custom_border_color='' custom_margin_top='30px' custom_margin_bottom='30px' icon_select='yes' custom_icon_color='' icon='ue808' font='entypo-fontello'] This article conceptualises the techniques of resistance developed by Palestinian hunger strikers. Through the weaponization of the body they seek to disrupt the techniques of power exercised over their starving bodies by the Israel Prison Authorities (IPA), as well as the Israeli intelligence services responsible for administrative detention. It shows that hunger strike is a site of creativity of resistance and human agency. From the hunger strikers’ view, it demonstrates their ability to claim agency over their bodies and the power of life and death which rests in the hands of those who resist. This mode of resistance not only reflects the relationship between Palestinian political prisoners and the IPA but also illustrates the complexity of settler-colonialism and the dynamics of anti-colonial resistance. The article approaches the techniques of power and resistance between the IPA and political prisoners chronologically, from the initial phase of the hunger, the peak of the struggle, and the advanced stage which is marked by negotiations between the prisoners and the IPA. The trajectory of hunger strikes varies according to the decomposition of the starving body, and at each stage the prison authorities change the emphasis of their techniques in order to break the hunger strike, whilst the prisoners invent new techniques to sustain the hunger strike. Subjectivity formation during the hunger strike arises from the protracted battle between the resistant subjects and colonial power.

[av_heading heading='Article by Stellan Vinthagen' tag='h3' style='blockquote classic-quote' size='' ] [/av_heading] [av_hr class='short' height='50' shadow='no-shadow' position='center' custom_border='av-border-thin' custom_width='50px' custom_border_color='' custom_margin_top='30px' custom_margin_bottom='30px' icon_select='yes' custom_icon_color='' icon='ue808' font='entypo-fontello']  

[av_heading heading='Classical Book Review by Sven-Eric Liedman: Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels: The Communist Manifesto. A catechism becomes a manifesto' tag='h3' style='blockquote classic-quote' size='' ] [/av_heading] [av_hr class='short' height='50' shadow='no-shadow' position='center' custom_border='av-border-thin' custom_width='50px' custom_border_color='' custom_margin_top='30px' custom_margin_bottom='30px' icon_select='yes' custom_icon_color='' icon='ue808' font='entypo-fontello']

[av_heading heading='Reviews by Artemis Duffy, Dr. Ashjan Ajour, Craig Brown, Joseph Geraci, Joanna Riccitelli, Jordan M. Sanderson, Risa F. Isard, Sarah Murru, and Stellan Vinthagen' tag='h3' style='blockquote classic-quote' size='' ] [/av_heading] [av_hr class='short' height='50' shadow='no-shadow' position='center' custom_border='av-border-thin' custom_width='50px' custom_border_color='' custom_margin_top='30px' custom_margin_bottom='30px' icon_select='yes' custom_icon_color='' icon='ue808' font='entypo-fontello']

Review by Majken Jul Sørensen [av_hr class='short' height='50' shadow='no-shadow' position='center' custom_border='av-border-thin' custom_width='50px' custom_border_color='' custom_margin_top='30px' custom_margin_bottom='30px' icon_select='yes' custom_icon_color='' icon='ue808' font='entypo-fontello' av_uid='av-8ej7j']

[av_heading heading='Article by Anne de Jong' tag='h3' style='blockquote classic-quote' size='' ] [/av_heading] [av_hr class='short' height='50' shadow='no-shadow' position='center' custom_border='av-border-thin' custom_width='50px' custom_border_color='' custom_margin_top='30px' custom_margin_bottom='30px' icon_select='yes' custom_icon_color='' icon='ue808' font='entypo-fontello'] This paper critically engages with nonviolent activism and resistance in Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories. By placing nonviolent direct actions directly in the context of its violent surrounding, it will be argued that structural and symbolic violence can be present in nonviolent actions and that unequal power relations can therewith be reproduced. Certain nonviolent actions in Israel and Palestine, this paper poses, mirror or even enable the injustices they initially seek to oppose. Based on nineteen months of fieldwork research in Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories including annexed East Jerusalem and besieged Gaza, this paper provides a ethnographic description of a so called joint Palestinian-Israeli nonviolent action near the Gaza Strip. The ethnographic detail enables an analysis which reveals 1) how unequal power relations can be reproduced within nonviolent protests, and 2) how certain nonviolent protests can perpetuate the structural violence they initially seek to oppose. The primary aim of this paper is not to differentiate between ‘good’ and ‘bad’ activism or resistance perse. It does aim to show how meticulous attention to less visible forms of violence can deepen our understanding of the reproduction of power and structural violence within nonviolent protest.

Article by Sarah Louise Edgcumbe [av_hr class='short' height='50' shadow='no-shadow' position='center' custom_border='av-border-thin' custom_width='50px' custom_border_color='' custom_margin_top='30px' custom_margin_bottom='30px' icon_select='yes' custom_icon_color='' icon='ue808' font='entypo-fontello' av_uid='av-8ej7j']

[av_heading heading='Article by Julie M. Norman' tag='h3' style='blockquote classic-quote' size='' ] [/av_heading] [av_hr class='short' height='50' shadow='no-shadow' position='center' custom_border='av-border-thin' custom_width='50px' custom_border_color='' custom_margin_top='30px' custom_margin_bottom='30px' icon_select='yes' custom_icon_color='' icon='ue808' font='entypo-fontello']