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[av_heading heading='Editorial by Craig S. Brown' tag='h3' style='blockquote classic-quote' size='' av_uid='av-4f7f0v'] [/av_heading] [av_hr class='short' height='50' shadow='no-shadow' position='center' custom_border='av-border-thin' custom_width='50px' custom_border_color='' custom_margin_top='30px' custom_margin_bottom='30px' icon_select='yes' custom_icon_color='' icon='ue808' font='entypo-fontello' av_uid='av-8ej7j']

[av_heading heading='Article by Craig S. Brown' tag='h3' style='blockquote classic-quote' size='' ] [/av_heading] [av_hr class='short' height='50' shadow='no-shadow' position='center' custom_border='av-border-thin' custom_width='50px' custom_border_color='' custom_margin_top='30px' custom_margin_bottom='30px' icon_select='yes' custom_icon_color='' icon='ue808' font='entypo-fontello'] In August 2020, widespread open resistance emerged against Lukashenko’s regime in Belarus, in the wake of the presidential elections. Through a media content analysis, this paper assesses how the emotion of fear was presented by English language European and North American print and online media, with the departure point being the perceived loss of fear among Belarusians. It seeks to understand: how was fear discussed in relation to resistance in Belarus in the mainstream media accounts? How did fear manifest among Belarusians and what were its effects? For resistance movements, what are the practical implications of understanding how fear manifests and affects actors? Although several headlines in the key period of mid-August 2020 reflect the phenomenon of a ‘barrier of fear’ being broken, Belarusian resisters’ perspectives present in some of the articles show how feelings of fear are far more complex. The themes are as follows: ‘fear remains’; the ‘loss of fear’ among opponents of Lukashenko; ‘pre-election loss of fear’; ‘fear among the regime and security force elements’; ‘taking action as imperative—regardless of fear’, as well as a ‘point of no return’ being reached. It is clear that it is more accurate to talk about people making a decision to resist despite their fear. Moreover, there seems to be a crucial relationship between feelings of anger about regime brutality and the willingness to act regardless of fear about the implications.

[av_heading heading='Article by Stellan Vinthagen' tag='h3' style='blockquote classic-quote' size='' ] [/av_heading] [av_hr class='short' height='50' shadow='no-shadow' position='center' custom_border='av-border-thin' custom_width='50px' custom_border_color='' custom_margin_top='30px' custom_margin_bottom='30px' icon_select='yes' custom_icon_color='' icon='ue808' font='entypo-fontello'] This article takes a historical view on the Indian civil society; its actors, strategies and issues, and evaluates its democracy-promoting resistance, and the impact from globalization. After a brief overview of the pre-independence context, and the early post-independence developments, the period of advanced globalization from the 1990s is focused. India is a country with a strong social movement culture, formed through its history of anticolonial struggle. The civil society is vibrant, diverse and conflictual, with a multitude of groups. Key examples are the anti-colonial movement, the land reform movement, the mobilization for “Total Revolution”, as well as alliances of movements and recurrent mobilizations by peasants, women, Adivasi (Indigenous), Dalits (“untouchables”). The analysis outlines four historical periods with very different conditions for democracy-promoting resistance. The conclusion is that resistance has been very successful, especially initially. However, the analysis also shows how the counter-mobilization by Hindu nationalists grew strong and more impactful during advanced globalization. The result is that Indian democracy has been undermined. Thus, despite initial and fundamental impact, it is the Hindu nationalist counter-resistance to the resistance of pro-democracy civil society groups, that is impacting contemporary democracy.

[av_heading heading='Article by Barbara Franz' tag='h3' style='blockquote classic-quote' size='' ] [/av_heading] [av_hr class='short' height='50' shadow='no-shadow' position='center' custom_border='av-border-thin' custom_width='50px' custom_border_color='' custom_margin_top='30px' custom_margin_bottom='30px' icon_select='yes' custom_icon_color='' icon='ue808' font='entypo-fontello'] The COVID-19 pandemic, in combination with the Trump administration’s anti-immigration policies, has led to policy shifts and temporary bans that essentially ended asylum and refugee resettlement in the United States for the period from 2019 to 2021. Regional organizations, however, have continued to sponsor refugees and provide community-based educational, employment, and material support work. In the Tri-State area of New Jersey, New York and Connecticut, local pockets of resistance initiated grass-roots programs such as COVID-19 Relief Funds, the Mask Making Initiative, the Lighthouse, and the Fun Club. The text investigates these programs and the four humanitarian NGOs in which they are housed, through the lens of ‘constructive resistance’, especially the works of Mona Lilja, Majken Jul Sørensen, and Minoo Koefoed. Situated between the politics of governance (Maiguashca 2003) and individual and grass-roots forms of resistance, this paper looks at local reactions that led to projects aiming at actively remaking community. The four projects exemplify the communities’ efforts to create humanitarian and localized structures of compassion, by developing programs that assist and help those individuals who were exposed to the most aggressively exclusivist policies of the Trump administration.

[av_heading heading='Reviews by Crisol González García, Brian Martin, Bob Overy, Matthew Hewett, and Dalilah Shemia-Goeke' tag='h3' style='blockquote classic-quote' size='' ] [/av_heading] [av_hr class='short' height='50' shadow='no-shadow' position='center' custom_border='av-border-thin' custom_width='50px' custom_border_color='' custom_margin_top='30px' custom_margin_bottom='30px' icon_select='yes' custom_icon_color='' icon='ue808' font='entypo-fontello']

[av_heading heading='Editorial by Matt Meyer' tag='h3' style='blockquote classic-quote' size='' av_uid='av-4f7f0v'] [/av_heading] [av_hr class='short' height='50' shadow='no-shadow' position='center' custom_border='av-border-thin' custom_width='50px' custom_border_color='' custom_margin_top='30px' custom_margin_bottom='30px' icon_select='yes' custom_icon_color='' icon='ue808' font='entypo-fontello' av_uid='av-8ej7j']

[av_heading heading='Article by Elizabeth Schmidt' tag='h3' style='blockquote classic-quote' size='' ] [/av_heading] [av_hr class='short' height='50' shadow='no-shadow' position='center' custom_border='av-border-thin' custom_width='50px' custom_border_color='' custom_margin_top='30px' custom_margin_bottom='30px' icon_select='yes' custom_icon_color='' icon='ue808' font='entypo-fontello'] This paper analyzes strategic choices by the 2006-2014 Indigenous Peoples’ resistance movement opposing construction of a coal mine in Phulbari, Bangladesh. The campaign successfully prevented the mine’s construction. However, conflicts over land use in Bangladesh persist. This case study examines how closely the strategic choices of the campaign adhered to Ackerman and Kruegler’s Principles of Strategic Nonviolent Conflict, and how those choices furthered or impaired the campaign. Fostering collective identities to mobilize supporters and resources was integral to the campaign’s strategy, as was integration of diverse voices. Promoting powerful female voices furthered the campaign’s goals and contributed to advancing women’s status. Combining extra-institutional methods with traditional politics also enhanced the movement’s strategic potential. Managing perceptions and demonstrating autonomy allowed resistors to maintain collective power, despite holding less traditional sources of power. The campaign also found success in using external supporters to weaken their oppressors, while organizers inside the country set the vision of the movement. The campaign provides an example of how the Principles may be applied in contemporary campaigns against corporations across cultural contexts. The outcomes suggest that the Principles are still a relevant framework for nonviolent resistance. However, more research is needed to determine the conditions under which some principles apply

[av_heading heading='Article by Johan-Eerik Kukko' tag='h3' style='blockquote classic-quote' size='' ] [/av_heading] [av_hr class='short' height='50' shadow='no-shadow' position='center' custom_border='av-border-thin' custom_width='50px' custom_border_color='' custom_margin_top='30px' custom_margin_bottom='30px' icon_select='yes' custom_icon_color='' icon='ue808' font='entypo-fontello'] In this article, I examine the messages that are connected to masks and other symbols in the short history of the Soldiers of Odin (SOO). Moreover, I compare the use of masks to the way that another Finnish activist group, Loldiers of Odin, used masks and symbols. SOO started street patrol activity in 2015 to ‘safeguard’ Finnish cities from the alleged threat of asylum seekers. In 2016, the Loldiers of Odin were founded to oppose SOO’s vigilante activity. They carnivalized the anti-immigrant group by appearing at their demonstrations and harassed their street patrols dressed as clowns. I discuss the dynamics of the two groups and analyze how they used masks and symbols in their activities. Especially in the case of SOO, I will focus on situations where the group uses Guy Fawkes masks, and in the case of Loldiers of Odin using clown costumes and make up. Additionally, I ask if their vigilante actions with masks can be understood as ‘uncivil disobedience’, a term that has been discussed for example by Jennet Kirkpatrick and Candice Delmas. In the end I will also show that both of these groups have two kinds of masks; one to wear and one to hide their real purposes

[av_heading heading='Article by Dennis Stromback' tag='h3' style='blockquote classic-quote' size='' ] [/av_heading] [av_hr class='short' height='50' shadow='no-shadow' position='center' custom_border='av-border-thin' custom_width='50px' custom_border_color='' custom_margin_top='30px' custom_margin_bottom='30px' icon_select='yes' custom_icon_color='' icon='ue808' font='entypo-fontello'] It is rather common to couple Japanese Marxist Tosaka Jun (1900-1945) with critical theorists like Walter Benjamin or Theodor Adorno in the comparative philosophy literature, but little, if anything at all, has been said about the shared discursive strategies of political resistance theorized by Tosaka Jun and Latin American philosopher Enrique Dussel (1934- ). Despite being continents and generations apart, Tosaka and Dussel nonetheless offer similar critiques of empire building within a system of capitalism as well as methods of resistance to disrupt to its ideological justification. Linked by the lineage of Marxism and their suspicion of the deterministic aspects of modernist thought, both Tosaka and Dussel present accounts of political power bound to the ‘people’ themselves, packaged as hegemonic strategies (à la Gramsci) that privilege those on the periphery, that which refuse to be subsumed into the capitalist system generating colonial expansion. Where they diverge, however, is in their view of the ‘people’ for constructing, positioning, and localizing collective struggles and democratic movements, with each account being stronger in an area where the other is more limited, thus pointing towards a space of synthesis. This article therefore argues for a teaming up of what Dussel calls ‘el pueblo’—which is a theoretical category referring to the political power articulated by localized communities—with Tosaka’s critical method of journalistic and philosophical reflection, with the aim of empowering the people, because it will provide us with a stronger view of political resistance at the periphery that will act as a force for democratic possibilities.

[av_heading heading='Classical Book Review by Majken Jul Sørensen: Resistance and Milgram’s obedience studies in light of new research' tag='h3' style='blockquote classic-quote' size='' ] [/av_heading] [av_hr class='short' height='50' shadow='no-shadow' position='center' custom_border='av-border-thin' custom_width='50px' custom_border_color='' custom_margin_top='30px' custom_margin_bottom='30px' icon_select='yes' custom_icon_color='' icon='ue808' font='entypo-fontello']

[av_heading heading='Reviews by Brian Martin, Craig Brown, and Andrew Rigby' tag='h3' style='blockquote classic-quote' size='' ] [/av_heading] [av_hr class='short' height='50' shadow='no-shadow' position='center' custom_border='av-border-thin' custom_width='50px' custom_border_color='' custom_margin_top='30px' custom_margin_bottom='30px' icon_select='yes' custom_icon_color='' icon='ue808' font='entypo-fontello']

[av_heading heading='Editorial by Stellan Vinthagen' tag='h3' style='blockquote classic-quote' size='' av_uid='av-4f7f0v'] [/av_heading] [av_hr class='short' height='50' shadow='no-shadow' position='center' custom_border='av-border-thin' custom_width='50px' custom_border_color='' custom_margin_top='30px' custom_margin_bottom='30px' icon_select='yes' custom_icon_color='' icon='ue808' font='entypo-fontello' av_uid='av-8ej7j']

[av_heading heading='Article by Sarah Louise Edgcumbe' tag='h3' style='blockquote classic-quote' size='' ] [/av_heading] [av_hr class='short' height='50' shadow='no-shadow' position='center' custom_border='av-border-thin' custom_width='50px' custom_border_color='' custom_margin_top='30px' custom_margin_bottom='30px' icon_select='yes' custom_icon_color='' icon='ue808' font='entypo-fontello'] This article will examine how rural Afghan women employ practices of everyday resistance as a means of challenging extremely patriarchal power structures and male domination in Afghanistan. The research presented illustrates how rural women simultaneously support and reproduce patriarchal societal structures and values through quiet encroachment of public spaces and the labour market as well as conscious adherence to certain patriarchal norms. Through a qualitative research method consisting of eleven focus groups with 130 rural women from four districts, across two provinces in Afghanistan, a structurationist approach is employed in order to fully account for the interaction and interrelationship between dominant, male-privileging structures of power and rural women’s agency. Significantly, these women, through the intentions behind their practices of everyday resistance and encroachment upon public spaces, demonstrate that they do not wish to eradicate patriarchy, but rather to transform it into a more benign structure of power which conforms to the women’s interpretation of Islam. This is a construction of Islam which accommodates women as individuals with agency and ability, enabling them to take advantage of independent mobility, provide for their families, and send their children (sons and daughters) to school. Thus, these women deliberately engage in everyday resistance to extreme manifestations of patriarchy, but simultaneously consciously adhere to, and subtly advocate for, more benevolent patriarchal social norms.

[av_heading heading='Article by Wan-Juo Cheng' tag='h3' style='blockquote classic-quote' size='' ] [/av_heading] [av_hr class='short' height='50' shadow='no-shadow' position='center' custom_border='av-border-thin' custom_width='50px' custom_border_color='' custom_margin_top='30px' custom_margin_bottom='30px' icon_select='yes' custom_icon_color='' icon='ue808' font='entypo-fontello'] Supervisee resistance is often construed as an execution of their power to diminish the effects of the supervisors’ power in the field of counseling psychology. Such a limited view of resistance may ignore its sociocultural context and further support the social structure of domination that necessitates resistance in the first place. Given that resistance and power are connected yet distinct concepts, understanding resistance is necessary to better understand power relations. The discipline of psychology largely recognizes the ability of organized, collective resistance to make social changes, although not that of everyday forms of resistance that intend to survive and simultaneously sabotage domination. To expand the understanding of everyday resistance by recognizing agency that is culturally situated in social relations, this qualitative study used semi-structured interviews with seven supervisee participants to investigate their everyday resistance in clinical supervision, particularly focusing on the tactics they employed in interactions with their supervisors and what was achieved through those tactics, and the agency and subjectivity interwoven with the resistant acts upheld by cultural or professional discourses. The results indicate that the tactics employed (for example, selective presentation of cases or self, note-taking, acting positive, and pretended speculation) are not only aimed at protecting their professional integrity and therapist subjectivity, but also at maintaining harmonious supervisory relationships that may generate valuable social networks (guanxi) for future career development. Under the circumstances in which supervisees are unable to abide by both the professional ideology and cultural ethics of honoring instructors, they adopt the identity of a ‘good student’ to maneuver through difficult situations in the interest of guanxi. Through these tactics, supervisees demonstrated their agency despite being in vulnerable positions.

[av_heading heading='Article by Ashjan Ajour' tag='h3' style='blockquote classic-quote' size='' ] [/av_heading] [av_hr class='short' height='50' shadow='no-shadow' position='center' custom_border='av-border-thin' custom_width='50px' custom_border_color='' custom_margin_top='30px' custom_margin_bottom='30px' icon_select='yes' custom_icon_color='' icon='ue808' font='entypo-fontello'] This article conceptualises the techniques of resistance developed by Palestinian hunger strikers. Through the weaponization of the body they seek to disrupt the techniques of power exercised over their starving bodies by the Israel Prison Authorities (IPA), as well as the Israeli intelligence services responsible for administrative detention. It shows that hunger strike is a site of creativity of resistance and human agency. From the hunger strikers’ view, it demonstrates their ability to claim agency over their bodies and the power of life and death which rests in the hands of those who resist. This mode of resistance not only reflects the relationship between Palestinian political prisoners and the IPA but also illustrates the complexity of settler-colonialism and the dynamics of anti-colonial resistance. The article approaches the techniques of power and resistance between the IPA and political prisoners chronologically, from the initial phase of the hunger, the peak of the struggle, and the advanced stage which is marked by negotiations between the prisoners and the IPA. The trajectory of hunger strikes varies according to the decomposition of the starving body, and at each stage the prison authorities change the emphasis of their techniques in order to break the hunger strike, whilst the prisoners invent new techniques to sustain the hunger strike. Subjectivity formation during the hunger strike arises from the protracted battle between the resistant subjects and colonial power.

[av_heading heading='Article by Stellan Vinthagen' tag='h3' style='blockquote classic-quote' size='' ] [/av_heading] [av_hr class='short' height='50' shadow='no-shadow' position='center' custom_border='av-border-thin' custom_width='50px' custom_border_color='' custom_margin_top='30px' custom_margin_bottom='30px' icon_select='yes' custom_icon_color='' icon='ue808' font='entypo-fontello']  

[av_heading heading='Classical Book Review by Sven-Eric Liedman: Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels: The Communist Manifesto. A catechism becomes a manifesto' tag='h3' style='blockquote classic-quote' size='' ] [/av_heading] [av_hr class='short' height='50' shadow='no-shadow' position='center' custom_border='av-border-thin' custom_width='50px' custom_border_color='' custom_margin_top='30px' custom_margin_bottom='30px' icon_select='yes' custom_icon_color='' icon='ue808' font='entypo-fontello']

[av_heading heading='Reviews by Artemis Duffy, Dr. Ashjan Ajour, Craig Brown, Joseph Geraci, Joanna Riccitelli, Jordan M. Sanderson, Risa F. Isard, Sarah Murru, and Stellan Vinthagen' tag='h3' style='blockquote classic-quote' size='' ] [/av_heading] [av_hr class='short' height='50' shadow='no-shadow' position='center' custom_border='av-border-thin' custom_width='50px' custom_border_color='' custom_margin_top='30px' custom_margin_bottom='30px' icon_select='yes' custom_icon_color='' icon='ue808' font='entypo-fontello']

Review by Majken Jul Sørensen [av_hr class='short' height='50' shadow='no-shadow' position='center' custom_border='av-border-thin' custom_width='50px' custom_border_color='' custom_margin_top='30px' custom_margin_bottom='30px' icon_select='yes' custom_icon_color='' icon='ue808' font='entypo-fontello' av_uid='av-8ej7j']

[av_heading heading='Editorial by Craig S. Brown' tag='h3' style='blockquote classic-quote' size='' av_uid='av-4f7f0v'] [/av_heading] [av_hr class='short' height='50' shadow='no-shadow' position='center' custom_border='av-border-thin' custom_width='50px' custom_border_color='' custom_margin_top='30px' custom_margin_bottom='30px' icon_select='yes' custom_icon_color='' icon='ue808' font='entypo-fontello' av_uid='av-8ej7j']

[av_heading heading='Article by Nehal Elmeligy' tag='h3' style='blockquote classic-quote' size='' ] [/av_heading] [av_hr class='short' height='50' shadow='no-shadow' position='center' custom_border='av-border-thin' custom_width='50px' custom_border_color='' custom_margin_top='30px' custom_margin_bottom='30px' icon_select='yes' custom_icon_color='' icon='ue808' font='entypo-fontello'] This paper argues that some women in Cairo, Egypt are part of a feminist ‘social nonmovement’ that predates the 2011 revolution, where they ‘make scenes’, i.e. commit acts of everyday feminist resistance, by defying patriarchal control over their bodies and behavior in public space independently from one another, spurred by patriarchal oppression for most, and participation in the revolution for some. Through interviews with twelve Cairene women in 2017, I investigate how and why they defy the social norms governing women’s use of public spaces and investigate the role of the 2011 revolution in their different forms of feminist defiance. I analyze three acts of public feminist resistance: women removing the hijab, defying street harassment, and moving out of their parents’ and husbands’ homes. My findings contribute to the literature on recent Egyptian women’s feminist resistance specifically, and everyday resistance studies in general. Only a quarter of my participants identify the revolution as the main reason for their feminist epiphany and resistance.

[av_heading heading='Article by Amira Abdelhamid:' tag='h3' style='blockquote classic-quote' size='' ] [/av_heading] [av_hr class='short' height='50' shadow='no-shadow' position='center' custom_border='av-border-thin' custom_width='50px' custom_border_color='' custom_margin_top='30px' custom_margin_bottom='30px' icon_select='yes' custom_icon_color='' icon='ue808' font='entypo-fontello'] In a 2011 interview, then-Vice President Omar Suleiman declared that Egyptians are not ready for democracy, in response to mass anti-regime protests around Egypt. More peculiarly, protesters have been accused of trying to implement foreign (western) agendas, being perverts and homosexuals, and disrupting domestic cohesion. Discourses that attach deviance—ascribed as a western attribute—to open resistance have since prevailed. This article argues that the historical imagination of the evils of westernisation, delegitimises the revolution and its revolutionaries, while at the same time reproduces the figure of the monolithic normative (Honourable) Egyptian citizen, as docile and counterrevolutionary. In employing figuration as a method, I examine the emergence of the figure of the Egyptian Male Homosexual through the 2001 Queen Boat incident and argue that the mobilisation of figures of deviance acts as a counterrevolutionary technology that long preceded revolution. I suggest that rather than designate failure to the revolution, we should look elsewhere for the new potential for a resistance that disrupts these figurations and their effects. Through a counter-conduct analytic, the article posits that local human rights work is undertheorized as an important space to contest the power that conducts and encourages resistance.

[av_heading heading='Article by Isabel Bramsen' tag='h3' style='blockquote classic-quote' size='' ] [/av_heading] [av_hr class='short' height='50' shadow='no-shadow' position='center' custom_border='av-border-thin' custom_width='50px' custom_border_color='' custom_margin_top='30px' custom_margin_bottom='30px' icon_select='yes' custom_icon_color='' icon='ue808' font='entypo-fontello'] What is conflictual interaction? How does it differ from domination? And how can domination and violence be disrupted by nonviolent direct action? In this article, I will theorize conflictual and violent interaction as interaction rituals and discuss how nonviolence can disrupt these rituals or change the dynamics hereof. Hence, I show how resistance studies and activists can benefit from understanding the situational power of nonviolence. Having described Randall Collins’ notion of interaction rituals, I proceed to theorize domination and conflict interaction rituals, the ingredients and outcomes hereof, and how conflict rituals can vary in intensity. I challenge Collins’ argument that violence and conflict go against the tendency to become entrained with others and argue that violence and conflict actually characterize a new pattern of interaction in which the parties mirror each other’s actions. Subsequently, using cases from the Arab Spring as examples, I argue that violence can be a form of both conflictual and domination interaction rituals. Finally, I show how nonviolence can be used to alter the rhythm of interaction in domination rituals and potentially reinforce a new rhythm both through actions of fraternization and more direct acts of resistance and noncompliance. In so doing, I engage with Evelin Lindner’s concept of Mandela-like qualities as the ability to resist domination and analyze situations from Bahrain, where activists have disrupted domination rituals nonviolently. I conclude by emphasizing the added value of the micro-sociological perspective for challenging structural and direct violence manifested in particular situations.

[av_heading heading='Article by Anne de Jong' tag='h3' style='blockquote classic-quote' size='' ] [/av_heading] [av_hr class='short' height='50' shadow='no-shadow' position='center' custom_border='av-border-thin' custom_width='50px' custom_border_color='' custom_margin_top='30px' custom_margin_bottom='30px' icon_select='yes' custom_icon_color='' icon='ue808' font='entypo-fontello'] This paper critically engages with nonviolent activism and resistance in Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories. By placing nonviolent direct actions directly in the context of its violent surrounding, it will be argued that structural and symbolic violence can be present in nonviolent actions and that unequal power relations can therewith be reproduced. Certain nonviolent actions in Israel and Palestine, this paper poses, mirror or even enable the injustices they initially seek to oppose. Based on nineteen months of fieldwork research in Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories including annexed East Jerusalem and besieged Gaza, this paper provides a ethnographic description of a so called joint Palestinian-Israeli nonviolent action near the Gaza Strip. The ethnographic detail enables an analysis which reveals 1) how unequal power relations can be reproduced within nonviolent protests, and 2) how certain nonviolent protests can perpetuate the structural violence they initially seek to oppose. The primary aim of this paper is not to differentiate between ‘good’ and ‘bad’ activism or resistance perse. It does aim to show how meticulous attention to less visible forms of violence can deepen our understanding of the reproduction of power and structural violence within nonviolent protest.

[av_heading heading='Article by Abed Kanaaneh' tag='h3' style='blockquote classic-quote' size='' ] [/av_heading] [av_hr class='short' height='50' shadow='no-shadow' position='center' custom_border='av-border-thin' custom_width='50px' custom_border_color='' custom_margin_top='30px' custom_margin_bottom='30px' icon_select='yes' custom_icon_color='' icon='ue808' font='entypo-fontello'] The social mobilization (Hirak in Arabic) started in Lebanon on 17.10.2019 has been an unprecedented event in the modern history of Lebanon, for it has lasted for more than half a year, but most importantly, for being a cross-sectarian and cross-regional mobilization in state based primarily on sectarian structure and on a sectarian-based sharing of power. The present mobilization has put the foundations of the Lebanese regime at stake. This article attempts to trace Hezbollah’s reaction by following the trail of the speeches held by the organization’s secretary-general about the mobilization in the first two months, as Hezbollah is the main force largely dominating the Lebanese regime, and how the present mobilization has rendered Hezbollah the main advocate for a regime which Hezbollah (at its outset) sought to uproot. The article demonstrates that Hezbollah is somewhat ‘embarrassed’ at the grassroot level, for its muqawama (Resistance) project would seem deficient unless it provides all the Lebanese with a clear-cut answer regarding the socioeconomic situation, something that the party has not done yet.

[av_heading heading='Article by Ane Marie Ørbø Kirkegaard' tag='h3' style='blockquote classic-quote' size='' ] [/av_heading] [av_hr class='short' height='50' shadow='no-shadow' position='center' custom_border='av-border-thin' custom_width='50px' custom_border_color='' custom_margin_top='30px' custom_margin_bottom='30px' icon_select='yes' custom_icon_color='' icon='ue808' font='entypo-fontello'] This piece concerns civil society as conceptualised in Khatami’s book Islam, Dialogue and Civil Society, and in a wider sense the Dialogue among Civilisations and Cultures paradigm and the UN year of Dialogue among Civilisations (2001). In this particular text, Khatami discusses civil society in relation to de-colonising spaces, with particular references to West Asia, the Islamic world and the ‘West.’ However, his discussion bears relevance to other spaces with experience of colonial imperial domination and occupation, historically and contemporarily. While first published a decade before the Arab Spring, it bears relevance also to the clamours for political participation and social development, which so pervaded the risings in West Asia and North Africa, including the oft forgotten Sudan. In this particular discussion of civil society, the focus is on showing the global relevance of Khatami’s conceptualisation of civil society as it emanates from the Dialogue among Cultures and Civilisations initiative, in a world where strategic disorder seems to be an increasing answer to resistance practices following local demands for political participation as well as independence from Western political economic structures of dominance—i.e. in spaces attempting to decolonise.

[av_heading heading='Article by Stellan Vinthagen' tag='h3' style='blockquote classic-quote' size='' ] [/av_heading] [av_hr class='short' height='50' shadow='no-shadow' position='center' custom_border='av-border-thin' custom_width='50px' custom_border_color='' custom_margin_top='30px' custom_margin_bottom='30px' icon_select='yes' custom_icon_color='' icon='ue808' font='entypo-fontello']

[av_heading heading='Classical Book Review by Craig S. Brown: The Arab Spring: The End of Postcolonialism' tag='h3' style='blockquote classic-quote' size='' ] [/av_heading] [av_hr class='short' height='50' shadow='no-shadow' position='center' custom_border='av-border-thin' custom_width='50px' custom_border_color='' custom_margin_top='30px' custom_margin_bottom='30px' icon_select='yes' custom_icon_color='' icon='ue808' font='entypo-fontello']

[av_heading heading='Review Essay by Andrew Rigby: Reflections on researching Palestinian resistance' tag='h3' style='blockquote classic-quote' size='' ] [/av_heading] [av_hr class='short' height='50' shadow='no-shadow' position='center' custom_border='av-border-thin' custom_width='50px' custom_border_color='' custom_margin_top='30px' custom_margin_bottom='30px' icon_select='yes' custom_icon_color='' icon='ue808' font='entypo-fontello']

[av_heading heading='Book reviews by Ryan A. Knight, Nadia Naser-Najjab, and Jonathan William Alexander Hills' tag='h3' style='blockquote classic-quote' size='' ] [/av_heading] [av_hr class='short' height='50' shadow='no-shadow' position='center' custom_border='av-border-thin' custom_width='50px' custom_border_color='' custom_margin_top='30px' custom_margin_bottom='30px' icon_select='yes' custom_icon_color='' icon='ue808' font='entypo-fontello']

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